Kate Azuka Omenugha & Majority Oji
Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Nigeria; Delta State University, Nigeria
News commercialization, ethics and objectivity in journalism practice in
Nigeria: strange bedfellows?
Journalism practice wields such enormous powers and calls for the
highest standards of ethics and commitment to truth. Ethics and truth
in journalism have assumed global concern as scholars recognize that
their basic constituents of objectivity, accuracy, fairness and balance
have merely assumed mythical qualities as journalists battle to assign
credibility to their news stories. Tuchman (1978: 2) describes
objectivity as `facticity' (a mechanism which allows the journalists to
hide even from themselves the `constructed' and `partial' nature of
their stories). This view seems to have garnered force as increasingly
scholars suggest that news even when professionally `selected' is
guided more by organizational needs than by professionalism. The
journalist thus becomes `a walking paradox' (Nordenstreng 1995) as one
cannot fail to see that journalism is so full of contradictions that
"we have to question even the most fundamental dogma of the profession
- truth seeking - because the way it has been conceived and
practiced in journalism serves as a deceptive filtering device
preventing as much as helping the truth being discovered"
(Nordenstreng 1995:117). News commercialization practice in Nigeria
media industries adds to this contradiction and deception, creating a
continuous dilemma for ethics and objectivity in journalism practice in
Nigeria.
What is news commercialization?
UNESCO (1980:152) alluded to the commercialization of news when it
wrote:
The news has become commercial product... important developments in
the countryside are pushed aside by unimportant, even trivial news
items, concerning urban events and the activities of personalities.
Though nearly three decades old, UNESCO's assertion certainly has
currency in Nigerian media scene as news items have to be paid for by
those who want to be heard. News is no longer about reporting timely
occurrences or events, it is now about packaged broadcast or reports
sponsored or paid for by interested parties. By this practice
individuals, communities, private and public organizations, local
governments, state governments and ministries, gain access to the mass
media during news time for a prescribed fee. The message they wish to
put across is then couched in the formal features of news and passed on
to the unsuspecting public as such. Willie Nnorom (1994 cited in Ekwo
1996:63) defined news commercialization as "a phenomenon whereby the
electronic media report as news or news analysis a commercial message
by an unidentified or unidentifiable sponsor, giving the audience the
impression that news is fair, objective and socially responsible". We
must say that though this definition seems not to include the newspaper
industries, news commercialization do occur there too as scholars have
noted (see Oso: 2000).
News commercialization operates at two levels in Nigeria:
- At the institutional level, where charges are `officially' placed for
sponsored news programmes. For example, the Delta Broadcasting Service,
Warri charges N20, 000 [80 pounds] for religious programme, N36, 000
[144 pounds] for corporate coverage and N25, 000 [100 pounds] for social
events. Ogbuoshi (2005) gave the commercial rates of Radio Nigeria
Enugu as follows: Commercial news (N47, 000 [188 pounds]), news
commentary/political news (N52, 000 [208 pounds]), special news
commentary/political (N60, 000 [240 pounds]). This commercialization at
the institutional level is thriving because editors, publishers and
owners of the broadcast stations/ print media see the organizations, or
their investment, as a profit making venture that should yield the
required financial return. Increasingly, commercial-oriented news
stories are taking the place of hard news reports. Hanson (2005: 140)
is right when he notes that: "reporters and editors are supposed to be
concerned not with profits but rather with reporting the news as best
they can. But that barrier is coming down, and editors are increasingly
looking at their newspaper as a product that should appeal to
advertisers as well as readers." Writing on the semantics of
commercialization of news by broadcast stations in Nigeria, Tom Adaba,
a one time Director General of the National Broadcasting Commission
(NBC), one of the regulatory bodies in Nigeria, makes a distinction
between the "legitimate sales of airtime for paid messages adjacent to
or within breaks in the news" and "charging news sources for the
privilege of covering and relaying their pre-paid views or messages
as news". According to him, in the first case, what the sponsors are
buying is "the credibility of the newscast and newscasters to confer
status by association on their company's logo, message or product"
while in the latter:
What the broadcast station is doing is selling cheaply the integrity of
its newscast and newscasters by attesting to the "truth" of the
claims of the so-called "sponsor".... By also charging and
receiving fees by whatever name called, to cover `news' of company
annual conference meeting, weddings, funeral, chieftaincy installation,
town festivals, workshops and seminars, even events organized by
charity organizations, stations are not only prostituting the integrity
of news, they are insulting their audience and breaching the National
Broadcasting Code (Adaba 2001:110).
The NBC code makes explicit that: "commercial in news and public
affairs programme shall be clearly identified and presented in a manner
that shall make them clearly distinguishable from content". (NBC code)
It is this passing off of commercial content as news within the
Nigerian news media, the assigning of news quality to the commercial
that raises ethical questions and challenges the notion of objectivity
in Nigerian news reports.
- At the individual journalist level: News commercialization also operates
at the level of individual journalists. This occurs when a journalist
or group of journalists makes monetary demands to cover an event or
report the event. Idowu (1996:198) citing Bamigbetan (1991) recounts a
story that buttresses this:
The Rt Rev, Abidun Adetiloye, Anglican Archbishop of Nigeria, was
sighted at Murtala Mohammed Airport, Lagos. Journalists crowded him,
asking for interview on issues of national importance. The man of God
spoke at length .... His views were newsworthy. But the journalists
felt they needed something more to write the news. They asked for
"transport money". The religious man declined. Resulting in a mutual
blackout.
This tendency of Nigerian journalists, known as the `brown envelope'
syndrome, has been widely condemned in Nigeria as a very unethical
practice, yet Ekwo (1996: 65) makes it clear that, " the payment for
news stories is approximate to official brown envelope or bribe offered
to the media house itself as against the one offered to the individual
reporter"
News commercialization - current status in Nigeria
A recent interview the authors conducted with the News Editor of Enugu
State Broadcasting Service (EBS) Enugu, East of Nigeria, shows the
increasing rate at which news is being commercialized. He provided data
on the commercial stories against the total number of news items in the
three months (October - December 2007) news bulletin. Below are the
details:
Table 1: Commercial news stories in EBS, Enugu Anambra State Nigeria
(2007)
Month |
No of news stories |
No of commercial stories |
Percentage of commercial stories |
October |
155 |
62 |
40% |
November |
186 |
89 |
47.8% |
December |
199 |
101 |
50.6%
|
The above typifies the trend in the broadcast stations and shows the
alarming amount of stories which are in the news for their commercial
value. In the newspapers, the so called specialized pages of the
property, IT and computer businesses and finance pages are prime
examples of commercialized spaces. The point is that no attempt is made
to let the audience or readers know that these spaces are paid for and
they end up holding them as sacred as they would news. Bako (2000)
claims are very instructive here:
The average Nigeria regards whatever emanates from the press as the
`gospel' truth, which he swallows line, hook and sinker. For any
reader, it would be difficult to convince him not to believe what he
read in the papers. Not even when an Apology is made for an incorrect
publication could such a reader be convinced. To him, in such a
situation, the journalist or the medium may have been bought over or
pressurized either by an individual or the government to `kill' the
story. (p. 54)
Understandably therefore, it is worrisome that commercial interests seem
to have infiltrated in the reports of `news', compromising both ethics
and objectivity.
Why does news commercialization thrive in Nigeria?
Commercialization of news began in Nigerian media houses as the result
of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) introduced in 1986 and the
eventual withdrawal of subsidies from government owned media houses
(see Ekwo 1996, Ogbuoshi 2005). With the increasing rise in production
cost and dwindling circulation, the media houses resort to all kinds of
tricks including commercialization of the news to make money (Oso,
2000). The situation has led to a lot of compromise, with
sensationalisation of news stories and half-truths reaching alarming
stage. Citing an instance with the
Daily Times, a one time
leading newspaper in Nigeria, Idowu (2001:15) noted the situation
became so bad that:
The workers threatened not to board the company's staff buses unless the
company's name was wiped off from the buses. Even the company's cars
were no longer branded. It was meant to be a precautionary measure to
save the staff and the company's vehicles from being attacked by an
irate public which could not reconcile itself to the half truths being
published in the Times. The company heeded the worker's call.
Just as the organisation is subjected to economic pressure and tries all
means not to sink, so too are individual journalists. The greatest
problem besetting Nigerian journalists is that of poverty which
scholars agree need to be addressed if the ethical professional
standards are to be maintained Rather than do so, however, the current
practices in most media organisations in Nigeria seem to be encouraging
unethical practices. Publishers in Nigeria, rather than pay attractive
wages to the journalists, refer to their identity cards as a meal
ticket. In other words, the journalists are encouraged to make money on
their own in whatever manner they deem fit, thus encouraging the
popular brown envelope syndrome within journalism parlance in Nigeria.
In some media organisations reporters are officially made to function as
marketing officers in addition to main reportorial duties. "For
instance, those in charge of specialised pages or columns are made to
source for adverts or supplements to support `their' pages or the pages
are dropped and probably with the reporter. In broadcasting, producers
are asked to scout for sponsors for `their' programmes with a promise
of commission" (Oso 2000: 30)
Another factor that allows news commercialization to thrive in Nigeria
is the pattern of news reports and the means of newsgathering. A quick
survey carried out by the researchers in a school of journalism in
Nigeria to find out the major means of news gathering by Nigerian
journalists saw slated, or `diary', events topping the list (60%)
followed by interview (32%). Investigative newsgathering recorded 6%
while news breaks, or exclusives, were as low as 2%. This means that
most times journalists are often invited by the high and mighty in the
society to `their' (slated) events. In many cases the journalists are
so well-taken care of and they go home with `news' often written by
the people who invited them. It is not surprising that that Akinfeleye
(2007) actually classified journalism practice in Nigeria as `cocktail
journalism', `journalism of next-of-kin' and `journalism of the
general order'. Writing on the tendency for Nigerian journalists to
rely on interviews, Galadima and Enighe (2001) have described the
Nigerian newspapers as "viewspapers". By this they meant that there
are more interviews than digging out of facts, and news sources may
concede to favouring the journalists for their views to see the light
of the day.
An irresponsible press?
The social responsibility theory of the press details the key
journalistic standards that the press should seek to maintain. As
summed up in McQuail (2000:150), among others, the media have an
obligation to the wider society and media ownership is a public trust;
news media should be truthful, accurate, fair, objective and relevant,
and the media should follow agreed codes of ethics and professional
conduct. By this treatise, media ownership is a form of stewardship
rather then unlimited private franchise. In other words, the media are
established to serve the intent of the public rather than personal
interests. Yet the quest for personal engrandisement seems to have
infiltrated the practice of journalism in Nigeria and beyond. Uche
(1989:147) recalled the public accusation of Nigerian journalists as
"politically and financially corrupt as one can find individual
Nigerian newsmen who will take money or gifts for doing special
favours..." Such acts of irresponsibility are not limited to
Nigeria only. The media mogul Rupert Murdoch is often accused of
running a media empire where journalism of convenience is the order of
the day. Sparks (1999) makes it clear that
Newspapers in Britain are first and foremost businesses. They do not
exist to report the news, to act as watchdogs for the public, to check
on the doings of the government, to defend the ordinary citizens
against abuses of power, to unearth scandals or do any of other fine
and noble things that are sometimes claimed of the press. They exist to
make money just as any other business does (p. 50).1
Driven by such commercial interests, journalists throw ethics to the
winds in the bid to achieve fame and success. As Hanson (2005:140)
recounts:
The Washington Post credibility suffered a major blow when the paper
discovered in 1981 that a Pulitzer prize - winning story by reporter
Janet Cooke was fabricated. And in the spring of 2003, the young New
York Times reporter Jayson Blair created shock waves throughout the
news business when it was revealed that he had fabricated or
plagiarized at least 36 stories for the nation's most prestigious
newspaper.
Notable too was the case of Patricia Smith, Award winner who had to
resign from the
Boston Globe. Hanson (2005:418) told
how she apologized to her readers in her farewell column:
From time to time in my metro column, to create the desired impact or
slam home a salient point, I attributed quotes to people who didn't
exist. I could give them names, even occupations, but I couldn't give
them what they needed most, a heartbeat. As anyone who has ever touched
a newspaper knows, that is one of the cardinal sins of journalism. Thou
shall not fabricate. No exception, no excuse.
News commercialization could possibly make journalists commit the
cardinal sin of journalism - fabrication - through inaccurate,
unfair and biased news reports - a contradiction to what news
ought to be.
Nigerian news scene - has ethics gone with the wind?
One of the objectives of this study is to determine the degree of
stoicism towards news commercialization in the Nigerian news scene. To
do this, the researchers examined the news content of some national
newspapers in Nigeria (January - March 2006 and October - December
2007, totalling six months) and looked out for stories indicative of
other interests than pure news value. The news stories were judged
based on Jamieson and Campbell (2001) parameters for analyzing news
items in print and broadcast media. These include:
- The newsworthiness of the of the news
- The sort of claims made in the story
- Framing - the nature of the headlines, the values the headlines
support
- Inclusion/exclusion of important or trivial issues and why
- The timing of the reports. Were they to favour a named source? Did other
media report the story?
What follows is a discussion of some sample news stories.
Sample one: The Zenith Bank Story
Zenith Bank Nigeria Plc operates in a competitive market. If we
recall, bank consolidation in Nigeria put many banks out of business
while leading to the merger of several banks to meet the
recapitalization deposit required by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN).
Zenith Bank was one of the survivors and understandably may need
aggressive marketing strategies to remain afloat. On December 6 2007, a
survey of four Nigerian newspapers -
Vanguard,
Daily Independent,
The Punch and the
Nigerian
Tribune - revealed that the Zenith Bank made the front pages of all
four newspapers.
The Punch devoted the whole of its front page
to the bank with a screaming headline:
"Zenith floats Bumper
Hybrid Offer". It carried no other story on the front page.
Daily Independent ran a front page story with the headline
"Zenith Bank's N130 billion offer opens today", And the same
headlines also appeared in the front pages of both the
Vanguard and the
Nigerian Tribune. The similarity of
these headlines is suspect. These newspapers are all national in
circulation and therefore it is highly unusual that at their various
editorial board meetings they all chose the same story - a
promotional stunt of a bank - as their front page news. It heightens
the possibility that the space has been paid for and the unsuspecting
public is made to give it the high priority accorded to front page
stories.
Sample two: The Denmark Cartoon crisis
Early in 2006, a full-ledged crisis erupted in Maiduguri, North of
Nigeria over a cartoon in a Danish newspaper that allegedly discredited
the Prophet Mohammed. The crisis spread to other parts of the country,
notably Onitsha in the Eastern part of Nigeria. It is pertinent to
mention here that Nigeria is polarised along northern and southern
axis, with many crises in the country following the pattern. Scholars
are concerned that during such crises in Nigeria, the press present
one-sided views probably as a result of the ethnic proclivity or
having received some form of gratification from one side. As Ekwo
(1996) writing on the ethical implication of news commercialization
notes: "in communal conflicts, only the faction that is able to pay to
be mentioned in the news is heard while the other side is kept in the
dark, even when they have a more genuine course" (p.66). The
researchers examined the
Daily Champion newspaper reports of
the Denmark cartoon crisis.
Daily Champion, owned by Emmanuel
Iwuanyanwu may be considered a paper dedicated to the cause of the
Easterners if we go by the words of Prof Iyara Esu, the former Vice
Chancellor of University of Calabar. He described the
Daily
Champion as "the major newspaper we have east of the Niger, a paper
that is indigenous to our people, that is the voice of the people, this
part of the country" (cited in Omenugha 2004: 67). This assertion
seems to have gathered a truism from the news reports available to the
researchers. The
Daily Champion reports was biased in favour
of the Easterners [Igbos], whose interests it obviously set to protect.
We may need to consider some excerpts of the crisis as reported by the
newspaper:
- When Daily Champion went round town, it was discovered that shops
belonging to Igbos and Christians were the worst hit as the fire was
still raging in some stores located on Ahmadu Bello Way where tyres,
batteries and household products were sold (Daily Champion February 20
2006, p. 5)
- Chief Peter C Okpara described the attack as the worst ever on Igbo and
Christian investments in Bornos in 30 years he has resided there. He
said the attack was selective and targeted against Christians and Igbos
(p. 5)
Such positions are consistent in the newspapers. As truthful as this may
seem, the inherent problem is the sectional interests inherent in these
`truths'. Issues that should be looked as a national problem become
reduced to ethnic or religious problems. It is worthy to note that
there were reprisal killings of the northerners in Onitsha, East of
Nigeria, but the
Daily Champion reports the killings as the
Igbo's response to the killing of their `kinsmen' in the North. The
observation of the researchers is in accord with previous research
carried out on similar issues. Omenugha (2004:74) after analysing the
press reports of the Hausa/Yoruba ethnic clash of 2002 sums up:
It is clear that Nigerian press reports operate within certain
ideological frameworks. It is these frameworks which are explored,
relived, made explicit for the readers in repeated mulling of tales.
The newspapers are interested not in reporting the truth as it is, the
events as they occurred, but to reconstruct and reaffirm their ethnic
and cultural positions and identities.
The scenario seems not to have changed. Ethics seems to have gone with
the wind.
News commercialization: Any gains?
At a recent workshop organised for working journalists in Anambra State
of Nigeria by the State Ministry of information, one of the authors was
privileged to participate as a resource person. As is usual with such
workshops, the question of ethical conduct of journalists came up. The
journalists made no pretence about their receiving forms of payment for
themselves or for their media houses to publish stories. According to
them, how could they do otherwise when:
- They receive poor and irregular salaries
- Some media houses do not have salary system at all. Therefore a
journalist's chances of survival depend on how much s/he gets from news
sources.
- The harsh economic situation has a telling effect on their job.
- The Nigerian society is corrupt, increasing their difficulty in being
ethical in an `unethical world' such as Nigeria.
- Publishers complain of high cost of production and as such use such
excuses to deny them their due wages.
To the supporters of news commercialisation, totally condemning the
trend is tantamount to throwing the baby out with the bath water. News
commercialisation, they argue:
- Helps to generate income for the media houses, helping them to function
smoothly;
- Helps also to generate income for the individual journalists who
otherwise might slump under the weight of the harsh economic
realities;
- Has a psychological benefit for these journalists. They develop a
sense of importance as they feel the job is being appreciated by those
in authority, who are even ready to offer payments;
- Helps to impose a form of forced taxation on the rich, as those who
often pay for the `services' are the well-to-do in the society;
- Acts as a form of informal redistribution of income from the rich to the
poor. Since media personnel tend to earn less than most of the rich who
patronize them, accepting `brown envelopes' from these publicity
seekers makes it possible for money to circulate more in the society;
- Helps to create cordial working relationships between the media and the
media users, especially the political class. (Onyisi 1996: 86ff)
These assertions mostly centre on financial gains and poverty, and so
"until the problem of poverty is seriously addresses with concrete
solutions, no constitution or code of ethics or any other body or
association for that matter can adequately discipline or regulate the
conduct of journalists in Nigeria" (Adelusi 2000:43). There is no
doubt that both the media industries and the journalists are facing
hard times. But should their desire to survive make them employ deceit?
Do the ends justify the means? Ethics is personally determined and as
such these questions are to be answered on individual note.
The issue is that the dysfunctions brought by news commercialization may
far out weigh the merits claimed by their proponents.
Ethical Implications of news commercialization
With the growing concern for news commercialisation, which many believe
negates all fundamental principle of fairness, equity and balance
required in journalism practice, many scholars have explored its
ethical implications. These are outlined here.
- Commercialization of news violates the ethics and code of conduct of
journalists, which states: it is the duty of the journalist to refuse
any reward for publishing or suppressing news or comment.
- News commercialization has affected information flow tremendously. As
the majority of news is paid for, therefore, the news that sees the
light of the day has to be induced by somebody or an organization,
while those news that are genuine and authoritative are dropped because
there is no inducement where such news emanates from. The greatest
flaw in the practice of news commercialization as Ekwo (1996) surmises
is that "news is narrowly defined against the weight of the news
source's purse" (p. 69).
- News commercialization makes the news susceptible to abuse by interest
groups who can pay their way into the media to project an idea they
want people to accept whether it is positive or not.
- News commercialization can lead to news distortion. The person who pays the piper often dictates the tune. Since the media would not like to
lose a major customer, they will do all within their reach to satisfy
such client that pays them enough money to have to his/her view
projected. In return, the client may dictate how and what he or she
wants out of the news packaging of the media house. This can extend to
dictating to the media what makes news, thereby emasculating opposing
views. This is often flagrantly displayed during election times as
contestants often buy over one media house or the other, which at every
news hour seize the opportunity to praise the `client' and crush
his/her opponents.
- With the zeal to acquire more and more money through commercialization
of news, many news organizations have lost their focus on investigative
journalism. This has led to loss of variety in the news, monotony, etc.
Many have lost their mission turning to praise singing and propaganda,
which has dire consequences for the Nigerian society (see Ekwo 1996,
Lai 2000, Ogbuoshi 2005).
Conclusion
The issue of news commercialization cannot be discussed without recourse
to the views currently gathering momentum that news be seen as a
construction. This is because as argued:
There seem to be no such person as the `individual' communicator. She or
he has to cooperate with colleagues, has to take the specific needs,
routines and traditions of the organisations into account, and is
limited by the social, economic and legal embedding of the media
institution (van Zoonen 1994: 49).
But would these considerations be at the expense of ethics, in other
words, "the shared normative values which any society holds dear, and
are used to judge the behaviour or performance of any member of that
society?" (Omole: 2000). How Nigerian media institutions and
journalists are to be judged depends upon how much they are seen as
credible before the eyes of the public. As a British journalist once
said, "credibility in the minds of the audience is the sine qua non of
news" (Smith, quoted in Glasgow Media Group 1976:7). News
commercialization leads to loss of credibility. Today many enlightened
Nigerians drift away from the local television news stations as they
seek other credible sources for news.
No matter the constraints within which the journalism profession is
practised, societies should have the right to reserve spaces free of
commercialization, where citizens can congregate or exchange ideas on
equal footing, and where those with money do not necessarily speak with
the loudest voice. The news space could be just that, but that cannot
be without an allegiance to ethics of journalism profession. Ethics
cannot continue to be "an unwanted child of business".
References
Adaba, Tom (2001). "Selling News On Air" in Lanre Idowu (ed) Watching The Watchdogs. Media Review Lagos: Diamond
Publications Limited pp 110 - 115.
-
Adelusi, Olufemi (2000) "Poverty militates against code of ethics" In Ethics and Regulation: Formulating a working agenda for
journalists and the media. Lagos: International Press Centre, pp 39-43.
-
Akinfeleye, Ralph (2007) Essentials of Journalism: Introductory
text for the beginner (fourth edition) Lagos: Unimedia.
-
Bako, Samson (2000) "Limitations of Nigerian Press Council" In Ethics and Regulation: Formulating a working agenda for
journalists and the media. Lagos: International Press Centre. Pp 54 - 61.
-
Chambers, D. (2000) Critical approaches to the media: the changing
context for investigative journalism. In: H. de Burgh (ed) Investigative journalism context and practice. London and New
York, Routledge. pp. 89 - 107.
-
Ekwo. Uchenna (1996) "Commercialization of the news in Nigerian media: An Impediment to Information flow" In Ikechukwu Nwosu and Uchenna Ekwo (eds) Mass Media and Marketing Communications. Enugu: Thought Communications Publishers. Pp 61- 77.
-
Galadima, D. J. and Enighe, J.M. (2001) The press in Nigerian politics:
an historical analysis of issues, and pattern of news coverage. The Nigerian Journal of Communication, 1 (1), 62- 74.
-
Glasgow University Media Group (1976) Bad news. London,
Routledge
-
Hanson, Ralph E. (2005). Mass Communication: Living in a Media
World. New York: McGraw - Hill Companies.
-
Idowu, Lanre (1996). "Ethical Crisis in Nigerian Press: A
Socio-Economic Review" In Journalism in Nigeria: Issues and
Perspectives. NUJ: Lagos. Pp 198 - 209
-
Idowu, Lanre (2001). "The Trouble With Daily Times" In Idowu Lanre
(ed) Watching The Watchdogs. Lagos: Diamond Publications Ltd.
Pp 15 -20.
-
Jamieson, Kathleen Hall and Campbell Kohrs Karlyn (2001) The
Interplay of Influence (5 edition) NewYork:
Wadsworth
-
MacBride , Sean et al UNESCO (1980). Many Voices, One World.
Paris: UNESCO
-
McQuail, D. (2000) McQuail's mass communication theory. Fourth
edition. London, Sage Publications.
-
Nordenstreng, Kaarle (1995) "The Journalist: a walking paradox" in
Philip Lee (ed) The Democratization of Communication. Cardiff:
University of Wales Press pp 114 - 129.
-
Ogbuoshi, Linus (2005) Issues in Nigeria Mass Media History.
Enugu: Linco Enterprises
-
Omenugha, K. A. (2004) "The Nigerian Press and the Politics of
difference: An Analysis of the Yoruba - Hausa ethnic clash of
February 2001", 2005 At the interface: Continuity and
transformation in Culture and Politics (edited by Joss Hands and
Eugenia Siapera pp. 61 - 79. Rodopi: Amsterdam, NewYork
-
Onyisi Tony (1996:) Mass Media Ethics: Analysing the `Brown Envelope' or `AWUFU' syndrome. In Pp 78 - 91] In Ikechukwu Nwosu and Uchenna Ekwo
(eds). Mass Media and Marketing Communications. Enugu:
Thoughts Communications Publishers.
-
Oso, Lai (2000) "Inculcating ethical standards through education and
retraining" In Ethics and Regulation: Formulating a working
agenda for journalists and the media. Lagos: International Press
Centre. pp 24 - 38.
-
Sparks, C. (1999) The Press. In: J. Stokes and A. Readings (eds) The media in Britain. London, Macmillan Press Ltd. p. 41 - 59.
-
Tuchman, G. (1978) Making news: a study in the construction of
reality. New York, Free Press, London, Collier Macmillan Publishers.
-
Uche, Luke Uka (1989). Mass Media, People and Politics in
Nigeria. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company.
-
Van Zoonen, L. (1994) Feminist media studies. London, Sage
Publications Ltd.
Footnotes:
1The
Patten case recounted in Chambers (2000) is a good example of the
dynamics involved in production of media content. Chambers recounts how
Rupert Murdock exercised control over his publishing company over the
publication of the book written by Chris Patten which criticised the
totalitarian regime of Republic of China. It is believed that Murdoch
felt the book posed a threat to his commercial interest in China and
therefore stopped its publication. This typifies not only how ownership
could control media content, but also shows the economic gain that
drives much of the media industries (see Chambers 2000, p. 96).